Stokely Carmichael, a black civil rights activist, gave an unorthodox speech to the predominantly white student audience at the University of California, Berkeley in October 1966. Carmichael’s “Black Power” speech was eventually heard throughout the nation. Being one of the leaders of the civil rights movement, Carmichael’s views differed from the peaceful views of Martin Luther King, who promoted integration of blacks within white communities and frowned on violence. The article “Black Power Movement” states “it took more discipline and character, he argued, to resist bloodshed and confront violence with peaceful protest” in reference to the views of Martin Luther King. Instead, Carmichael proclaimed that blacks needed to have their own separate identity and be more aggressive in fighting for their rights, not always peacefully. His message about the need for a more isolationist black movement, emphasized in his “Black Power” speech, recruited a population who was frustrated with the slow pace of the civil rights movement and transformed the goal from one of peaceful integration to one of more radical segregation of blacks, detrimentally dividing the civil rights movement by instilling fear in many white supporters of civil rights and dividing the black community as pointed out in “Black Power Movement” and Bayard Rustin’s ““Black Power” and Coalition Politics”.

The pace of reform for the civil rights movement was unsatisfactory to many, sparking Carmichael’s crusade. The movement for civil rights began in the early 1900’s when the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was formed by a group of blacks and whites. They fought against discrimination and for equal rights for blacks. These efforts were performed peacefully, with protests, demonstrations and nonviolent actions. Rosa Parks sparked the first mass protest action in December 1955 and the Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964, a step in the direction of eliminating inequality between blacks and whites, along with the Voting Rights Act in 1965, designed to overcome barriers prohibiting blacks from voting. However, discrimination was still rampant, especially related to jobs and housing and some went on to form other groups to fight for civil rights such as The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (“SNCC”). Carmichael became the leader of the SNCC in May 1966, which had tried to make headway but failed to do so in many circumstances. Bayard Rustin, a pacifist leader, points out in his article that in certain areas blacks still could not register to vote and confirms the lack of advancment saying, “In the areas of the South where SNCC has been working so nobly, implementation of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 has been slow and ineffective.”  This frustration regarding the pace of progress led to some blacks looking for opportunities to take more assertive actions to quicken the advancement of civil rights.  

At the time Carmichael was leader of the SNCC, an event occurred which spurred Carmichael’s passion to take a more aggressive stance. A civil rights activist named James Meredith was holding a solidarity march in June 1966, the “March Against Fear”, in Tennessee and was shot. Carmichael and Martin Luther King, amongst other civil rights leaders, went to Tennessee to continue the march. Carmichael was arrested and, upon being released, he gave a speech where he coined the term “Black Power” and promoted the idea that blacks need to accelerate the speed of reform and form a segregated people with their own sense of community, their own goals, and lead their own organizations. Carmichael tells the crowd “The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin' us is to take over. We been saying 'Freedom' for six years. What we are going to start saying now is 'Black Power!'" (“Black Power Movement”). This speech emphasized his view on the ineffectiveness of the civil rights movement up to that point and laid the groundwork which would continue to be preached by Carmichael and his followers, reiterated in his “Black Power” speech at the University of California. It gave those blacks who had become disillusioned with the slow progress of the civil right movement another message to believe in. Rustin states “Negroes are once again turning to nationalistic slogans, with “black power” affording the same emotional release as “Back to Africa” and “Buy Black” did in earlier periods of frustration and hopelessness.” (Rustin). Carmichael’s message gave disheartened civil rights advocates a new hope. 

When Carmichael assumed control of the SNCC, he was already deviating from the views of King towards a more radical effort. “When you talk of black power, you talk of building a movement that will smash everything Western civilization has created,” Carmichael boldly said in a speech. (“Black Power Movement”). His word choice conveyed his dissatisfaction with the status quo and gave the audience a somewhat fearless message which was not embraced by other black leaders and alienated many whites, even those who were in favor of civil rights. He no longer allowed whites to be part of the SNCC.  He promoted black separatism, following in the path of a civil rights activist, Malcolm X, who supported more radical and violent views than King. Some believed the term black power “was merely a codeword for racial warfare.” and Martin Luther King actually felt the phrase “Black Power” was detrimental to race relations, calling the term “an unfortunate choice of words.” (“Black Power Movement”). Rustin writes, “I would contend that "black power" not only lacks any real value for the civil-rights movement, but that its propagation is positively harmful.” (Rustin). Many leaders felt this movement isolated blacks in a harmful way and encouraged anti-Negro sentiment, creating a we/they mentality which was detrimental for race relations. Riots broke out creating fear, alienating allies, and obstructing reform. The black power movement ignited a different type of flame under the civil rights movement, but many blacks felt this split in sentiment derailed progress; unity was power. 

Carmichael’s tone in his speech is hostile towards whites and anti-American establishment. He uses the term “white supremacy” in a derogatory manner in several instances. Almost immediately, he says “The institutions that function in this country are clearly racist; they’re built upon racism.”  (“Black Power” 314). He also compares US law enforcement and the white population of Neshoba County, Mississippi to Nazis. He repeatedly insults President Johnson and American organizations. Even though President Johnson passed several acts supportive of civil rights, Carmichael says, “I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people.” (315). He explains that there should not have to be an Act for blacks to have the right to go into a public place; they should have this right because they are humans. The same issue relates to voting; blacks should have the same right as whites since they are humans, not because an Act states so. Whites took away the freedom that blacks were entitled to but blacks need to get it back for themselves, not look for whites to give it back to them. Blacks need to establish themselves as a separate community with their own organizations and their own power, not form alliances with whites to win their place in society. 

In addition, this reform had been going on for decades with little advancement in many blacks’ eyes, and it was time for blacks to take control of their own destiny.  Rustin agrees that the pace of progress was unsatisfactory, pointing out that more Negroes were employed in 1954 than at the time of his article.  He also points to the wage gap between the Negro worker and the white worker has increased and unemployment among Negro youths increased to 32% while the rate among white youths has decreased. (Rustin). However, he argues that blacks working with allies, as European immigrants did, will result in more strides than trying to proceed on their own.

Carmichael also addresses his opposing view of integration in his speech. In his view, integration is not the answer because it gives the whites the right to allow blacks, who are oppressed because of their color, to act, instead of blacks being able to act on their own and says in order to change that  “… one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. [that’s] integration: "You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us." (“Black Power” 317). However, alternate views sight that black aggression is not the answer; blacks earning their place in society and gaining their due respect through hard work and perseverance is the proper strategy. As Rustin says, “Nevertheless, pride, confidence, and a new identity cannot be won by glorifying blackness or attacking whites; they can only come from meaningful action, from good jobs, and from real victories such as were achieved on the streets of Montgomery, Birmingham, and Selma.” (Rustin).

The peaceful beginnings of the civil rights movement for integration between black and whites, advanced by leaders such as Martin Luther King and Roy Wilkins of the NAACP transformed for some into a crusade for black independence and standalone power because they were not satisfied with the pace of progress of black rights. Stokely Carmichael, following the views of more radical leaders such as Malcolm X, emphasized a view of black power. This message gained ground after Meredith’s March Against Fear in Mississippi, taking many on a detour on the civil rights road, from a path of peaceful integration to one of building a separate black community empowered with their own rights and goals which did not rely on whites to “allow” them certain rights. This shift from integration and co-existing with whites to segregation and separatism set up the framework for the message in his speech “Black Power” at University of California, Berkeley. He ends his speech by reiterating the message that blacks need to be their own community.  He also expresses his frustration with the progress of civil rights for blacks and the relationship between whites and blacks and insinuates, in a somewhat forceful manner, that blacks are going to claim their place in society and their own power, not necessarily peacefully, by saying in his “Black Power” speech:

We are on the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we’re not going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the things that we have to have to be able to function. The question is, Can white people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very clearly, "Move over, or we’re going to move on over you." (p 326).

Carmichael’s black power movement, which gained ground after Meredith’s March Against Fear in Mississippi, took many on a detour on the civil rights road, from a path of peaceful integration to one of building a separate black community empowered with their own rights and goals. However, this isolationist message was not embraced by many whites who supported the civil rights movement because they felt the Carmichael message supported a divided, violent nation which would impede the civil rights movement. In addition, blacks were split between those who supported the movement and those who opposed the violence, such as Rustin, with the idea it was counter-productive and did not help the civil rights movement– it “solved nothing and gained nothing.” (“Black Power Movement”). Carmichael’s movement provided an answer to many blacks looking for a more aggressive stance to promote civil rights but resulted in debate, alienation and separation instead of unity to the detriment of the civil rights movement.
